The socialist movement has reached a crossroads in the United States–the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), doubly so. With the Democratic Party enormously discrediting itself amongst the working class for its backroom dealings, rightward drift, and disastrous electoral strategy, and the Second Trump Administration given free reign to chase disastrous tariff policies and ridiculous claims on foreign nations, we should expect large sections of the populace looking for a radical new alternative. The rise of the ‘Bernie-Trump’ median US voter–people who are distrustful of the establishment and the powers that be, yet without a coherent political vision for change–demonstrates that there is a massive audience for an ascendant alternative. DSA, having the largest on-paper membership of any socialist organization in the country, is well positioned to be this alternative. However, if DSA wakes up to smell these roses, it will also catch the scent of brimstone in the air. From the Bowman Affair, to the breaking of the rail strike, to the confusing vacillations of Alexandria Ocasio Cortez, the Democratic Socialists of America–particularly its electoral wing–has a mixed reputation amongst the already small US Left and our potential allies in the labor movement. DSA has indeed taken steps to fix these issues–chiefly by revoking national endorsements from offending electeds. But the fact that many of these electeds remain endorsed at the local level, or continue to identify themselves as ‘democratic socialists’ confounds the public narrative, as does the fact that even DSA cadre candidates are still seen by the politically uninitiated as ‘progressive democrats.’ Whether we like it or not, the public perception of our organization is shaped primarily by the most visible, most well known names associated with it. AOC’s recent moderation no less shapes how people understand DSA than Jackson Hinkle’s misogynistic and bigoted tirades on Twitter shape people’s understanding of the so-called ‘American Communist Party,’ even if, as its members are so want to remind us, such views are not directly represented in the ACP program. Furthermore, much of the feasible work that there is to be done at this stage is primarily on the state and local level–a fact that represents an issue for DSA’s visibility; there are real reasons why organizations like the Party for Socialism and Liberation and the Green Party put the bulk of their resources into doomed Presidential Campaigns, rather than actually winnable state/local elections. Nationally coordinated campaigns that organizations can rally around generate far more visibility, infinitely more energy, and far more of a sense that an organization is in motion, than slow methodical advances. Finally, internally, DSA is divided between its Right and Left–without broad cooperation amongst the Left, the radical changes we need to make regarding our strategy cannot be achieved. DSA will remain situated chiefly as a powerless pressure group within the increasingly powerless Democrats–a position that spells doom in the ongoing political realignment that seems to be occurring in the US. If we are to grow a viable, united political party with its base in the masses in this inhospitable civic environment, we must take care to address these problems. I believe the best way to do so is with a solid, highly publicized slate of independent candidates.
My initial proposal for the ‘Independent Workers Slate’ has changed enormously through the editing process. The final version of the proposal was workshopped directly with Marxist Unity Group members of the National Electoral Commission Steering Committee. While the proposal initially was focused on running outside of the Democratic Ballot Line (something that I strongly believe we should still be doing), the IWS would, at this stage, be a unified bloc of independents running on both Democratic and non-Democratic ballots. Much like in Seth Ackerman’s ‘Blueprint for a New Party’, the specific ballot lines will, at this stage, be based on local, on-the-ground considerations. Specifically, ballot lines should be determined based on local chapter support, likelihood of success based on each method, and the presence of open/closed primaries in the state.
That being said, all candidates, regardless of ballot-affiliation, would be trained cadres, bound directly by the organization via political ‘red lines’ drawn by the NPC, an organization far more democratically accountable to the membership as a whole than the NEC. But Marxist Unity Group has been vocal in its stance that an independent political alternative is necessary for the socialist movement. Why present such a program now, why form a coherent ‘slate’? Can this solve, or at least aid in the solving of DSA’s issues, as highlighted in the paragraph above? I believe that it can. A named, unified slate, which emphasizes its political independence and desire to establish a working class based party, as an alternative to the Democrats and Republicans alike, can inspire newfound confidence and energy amongst the electorate. By emphasizing the slate as a national project, rather than individual candidacies, which are, generally, judged separately by the inhabitants of each district, an Independent Workers Slate can harness the energy of a truly expansive political movement. An additional benefit of such coordination is that these new, cadre, block-voting candidates are clearly differentiated from the ‘progressive,’ collaborationist, vaguely social democratic candidates DSA is currently associated with by most outside of the organization. A specifically demarcated Slate would be an important step towards giving ourselves a reputation far more in line with the actual views of our rank and file, which are, by and large, considerably more radical than most non-DSAers would suspect.
The IWS would also serve as a proposal multiple left-caucuses in DSA could potentially get behind–communication and strategizing with Bread and Roses on the proposal has been something closely considered by the resolution’s drafters. An IWS also opens the door, though by no means mandates,1 coordination outside of DSA. In many areas, Palestine Solidarity Organizations, Left Wing Proto-Party Organizations, environmental groups, and cooperative organizations have far more inroads with the local population and the labor movement than DSA itself. Certainly, certain bad faith sects do infinitely more harm than good for the socialist cause,2 but I believe it would be a mark of unwise organizational arrogance to believe DSA, an organization that today only comprises a fraction of the US Left (though certainly the largest on-paper fraction at the moment), has nothing to gain from courting cooperation with those who do not currently call themselves members. We must remember the lessons of the Rainbow Coalition, the most recent US socialist organization to reach any level of community-power; and we must note that they could only do the things they did by bringing together organizations with differing stances, differing strategies, differing membership bases, yet a shared commitment to the creation of a socialist society in North America.
Thus, the Independent Workers Slate would establish a viable path forward for left wing electoral politics–truly beginning in earnest a transition to an independent political party. In sum, such a slate would amount to a clean break in rhetoric, while avoiding the extreme risks associated with an entirely ‘clean’ break with the Democratic Party (i.e., a decision to switch away from Democratic Ballot Lines entirely, without a transition period). In the extreme political confusion of our current society, there is a hunger for something new. Such a hunger provides the left with a window of opportunity it has not seen in some time. Now is the time for bold action, public communication, and national campaigns. Now, I believe, is the time for an Independent Workers Slate.
Best,
E.M. Salvesen
- In the current draft of the resolution, it is stated that individual chapters running campaigns ought to mandate the level of coalition with other left wing organizations.
- The aforementioned “American Communist Party,” which pedals an essentially fascist politic with the aesthetics of Communism, is a good example of this.