Letter: In Response to Annie S.
Letter: In Response to Annie S.

Letter: In Response to Annie S.

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First, I would like to thank her for pointing to me that episode in political history when Bebel and Liebknecht opposed the Prussian war effort. That is the reason I formulate my thoughts as questions, and not affirmations: I don’t know many things, and want to find out more.

However, I must say I dislike the tone in which Annie’s answer was formulated: “all you had to do was take a break from writing your rambling and pedantic polemic…” If what I write is a “rambling and pedantic polemic”, then I don’t see a point in discussing it.

Second, I think one has to be very naive and inexperience to say that the reason why there was no real political discussion at 2021 DSA convention was the pandemic, and hence the need to channel all discussion through Zoom. In fact, all who know this technology are aware how easy it is to create additional platforms for discussion, for example in parallel with the main one.

As I was not personally involved in the convention, but follow the business from afar, through reports of magazines such as “Cosmonaut”, “Left Voice”, and “Tempest”, the impression I get is that at this (2021), and at previous conventions, there was no real discussion, and it was orchestrated so to be by the organizers of the convention. It seems their ruse is to discuss many technical points instead of the big issues.

Third, when I say that the meaning of such terms as “class independence” and “real workers party” is vague, I mean that almost all left use such, or similar, terms to the point that they lose all meaning. For example, take such term as “socialism”. To AOC it means wearing a very expensive gown saying “Tax the rich”, while to people like me it means a possibility of thinking and writing on socialism.

The phrase “class independence” appears to me as nonsense, as no class is “independent” of other classes, and we’re all involved with each other. “You can’t live in society, and be independent of the society”.

And take phrases like “real workers’ party”. Which “workers”? Those who get the minimum wage, or those who run the business of the capitalist class? Privileged workers in the USA or miners, workers in South Africa?

Four. You write that DSA is “working with the democratic party because the mass membership has chosen it, just like they can choose to stop doing so”. Really? Was there a debate on the issue of working with the democratic party? And who orchestrated it? As far as I am aware, people at Marxist Unity Slate want to break away from the Democratic party, but could not get their voice heard at the 2021 convention.

Fifth. “There is no bureaucracy” in the DSA. Really? I heard that the number of paid stuff is increasing, in spite of the number of new members being stagnant. And that a large amount of money is going towards elections, all for the benefit of the candidates whom the party doesn’t control, once they win the elections.

Six. If you care to describe what has happened in Nevada and mention people like “Harry Reid”, then you should do so in detail. I live in the former USSR, and if I start talking to you in the same tone about a province in one of the republics here, and mention names you never heard of, I am sure you would be at least puzzled. You speak before an international audience.

Seven. The origin of the Menshevik party goes back to the 1903 II Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, at which Martov and Lenin split regarding the question of membership in the social-democratic party. That is why I mention the Menshevik party and the date of early 1900’s. And the gist of the argument is not the exact year (that is a problem for history classes), but that in comparison to DSA, the Menshviks were real Marxists, real thinkers, and strongly revolutionary. For reference, read one of the pamphlets written by Martov, their leader: https://www.marxists.org/archive/martov/index.htm

Eight. Annie S. writes that AOC “will be given a choice between the DSA programme and the democrats and I think anyone with a brain in their skull knows what she would choose”. What would she choose?

I believe that she has made her choice already, and it is not in favor of socialism.

The rank and file of DSA doesn’t control their political reps, and that is the point “Cosmonaut” is making, people like Donald Perkinson.

Nine. It is a beginner’s level of political and historical knowledge that states: “I do not believe beyond anti-Stalinism and revolutionary defeatism that one must be required to have a view on these states or these wars”.

Formulating the right attitude to a war is most essential for a socialist organization, for almost all revolutions spring from wars. For example, there was a big difference to merely opposing World War I, and turning that war into a civil war. It is a difference between pacifism and revolution. Most socialist organizations in the U.S. are in the first camp.

Another question is formulating the right attitude towards states opposed to the U.S. imperialism. Annie S. writes:

frankly does it matter if a member of the Marxist unity slate thinks we should support Venezuela or merely oppose US intervention? What practical significance does it have that would necessitate locking out potential members?”

I think that all members of organization have a right to their opinion, and an ability to voice that. This includes divergence of opinion on the right attitude towards states such as Venezuela. Democratic organization is one which promotes such a debate; undemocratic organization is one which suppresses the debate under a variety of pretenses, such as “Covid pandemic”.

Ten. Of course, I don’t appreciate Annie S. addressing me in the following way: “It’s nothing but sectarianism characteristic of Trotskyites such as yourself.” Wonder, how much she knows about me?

As to the question of the conflict between Trotsky and Stalin, I am in the camp of Trotsky. I think the man is a hero, towering over many revolutionaries of XX century. But, I am not a member of any existing “Trot” organization.

According to Annie S., there are the following divisions among Marxists: “orthodox Marxists”, “official Communists”, and “Trotskyites”. Annie probably places herself with the first category (the “orthodox faith”!). But I don’t place myself in any of these categories. You may call me “unorthodox Marxist”. Reason for this I have stated in my 2020 esssay A Critique of the Marxist Theory, and of Those Who Betray the Marxist TheoryYou may read it and criticize, hopefully without offensive personal remarks. (Frankly, I had sincere doubts whether I should write this letter, because of the personal offensive remarks made in my address.)

Eleven. “There is simply no basis for an international party”. Really? I believe I have already informed Annie that I follow the events in the DSA from afar, namely the former Soviet Union. She says that DSA talks to other parties, such as the Communist Party of Great Britain. Donald Parkinson was on “Communist University”, which is a program of CPGB. I think these, and other connections should be developed towards forming an international party. One way in which this can be done is through a debate on pages of “Cosmopolitan” or another publication.

And again: I don’t appreciate a language such as beating “every Trot sect leader with a sledgehammer”. This is both for historical reasons (the manner of death of Leon Trotsky), and because on a more personal level, I believe that Annie S. doesn’t know what she is talking about. Don’t think she has tasted blood in her mouth.

Twelve. On the position of “Millerandism”, I don’t think that it is ok for a socialist party to seek a post in the cabinet of a capitalist government. To be a part of capitalist government means to promote the interests of the capitalist class. If I am wrong, show me an example when a socialist was a member of capitalist government, and used it to promote the interests of revolution.

Sincerely,

Tommy Joad”

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